Often, in the literature, the sociological and psycho-sociological model fall into the same category, with a kind of binary distinction between the theories that emphasize social, belonging and identification on the one hand, and then the rationalist and economic theories of the vote, which are the economic theories of the vote that focus instead on the role of political issues, choices and cost-benefit calculations. This is called retrospective voting, which means that we are not looking at what the parties said in their platforms, but rather at what the parties did before. This theory is not about the formation of political preferences, they start from the idea that there are voters with certain political preferences and then these voters will look at what the offer is and will choose according to that offer. The same can be said of the directional model with intensity. Partisan identification becomes stronger over time. Cambridge New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999. There have been several phases of misalignment. In a phase of alignment, this would be the psycho-sociological model, i.e. Google Scholar. There is a kind of heterogeneity of voters. Three elements should be noted. It is a rather descriptive model, at least in its early stages. There has been the whole emergence of the rational actor, which is the vote in relation to issues, which is not something that comes simply from our affective identification with a party, but there is a whole reflection that the voter makes in terms of cost-benefit calculations. Partisan attachment is at the centre of the graph influencing opinions on certain issues being discussed or the attitudes of certain candidates. There is a whole literature on opinion formation, quite consensually, that says that citizens have a limited capacity to process information. Voters have knowledge of the ideological positions of parties or candidates on one or more ideological dimensions and they use this knowledge to assess the political positions of these parties or candidates on specific issues. Many researchers have criticised the Downs proximity model in particular. In the Downs-Hirschman model, the vote is spatial in the sense of proximity and preferences are exogenous; on the other hand, in the directional theories of Rabinovirz and Macdonal in particular, we remain in the idea of the exogeneity of preferences but the vote is not spatial in the sense of proximity. The law of curvilinear disparity takes up this distinction. Some people talk about membership voting for the first two theories and cognitive voting for the economic model of voting. In other words, the homing tendency that is the explanation that the model postulates is much less true outside the United States. He wanted to see the role of the media in particular and also the role of opinion leaders and therefore, the influences that certain people can have in the electoral choice. These models describe how humans react to environmental factors and choose between different courses of action. The concept and measurement of partisan identification as conceived by these researchers as applying to the bipartite system and therefore needs to be adapted to fit the multiparty and European system. We can talk about two major theories or two major models or even three models. The intensity directional model adds an element that is related to the intensity with which candidates and political parties defend certain positions. There are other cleavages that cut across Republicans and Democrats that should be taken into account to explain the pattern. Theoretically, it is possible to have as many dimensions as there are issues being discussed in an election campaign. A corollary to this theory is that voters react more to the government than to the opposition because performance is evaluated and a certain state of the economy, for example, can be attributed to the performance of a government. The idea is that this table is the Downs-Hirschman model that would have been made in order to summarize the different responses to the anomaly we have been talking about. There are also studies that show that the more educated change less often from one party to another. Print. There is little room for context even though there are more recent developments that try to put the voter's freedom of choice in context. Question 3. The economic model makes predictions and tries to explain both the participation but also, and above all, the direction of the vote, which is the electoral choice. The Peoples Choice: How the Voter Makes Up His Mind in a Presidential Campaign. This has created a research paradigm which is perhaps the dominant paradigm today. That is why there are many empirical analyses that are based on this model. For Lazarsfeld, "a person thinks politically as he or she is socially". Webbehavior covers a large range of possible subjects of research, from the behaviors of bureaucrats and interest groups to the dealings of political terrorists. Finally, in a phase of misalignment, this would be the economic model, since there is a loss of these partisan loyalties, so these voters become more and more reactive to political events and therefore may be more rational in their decision-making process. The idea was that there were two possible responses that are put in place by members of that organization: one of "exit", to withdraw, to go to another organization. The directional model also provides some answers to this criticism. The idea is that the extremist attitudes of those former voters who become party activists push strategic positioning in a direction that takes them away from their constituents. WebThe central concept of this model of voting behavior is partisanship, which is designed as a psychological affinity, stable and lasting relationship with a political party that does not This table shows that for quite some time now there has been a strong decline in partisan identification. The external factors would be the factors that, in the basic theory of the psycho-sociological approach, it would seem that this is what can do but if we have a certain partisan attachment to vote for another party because we are influenced by one or other of these factors but, basically, we keep our partisan attachment and the next time when these factors change, we return to the normal vote corresponding to the partisan attachment. To study the expansion of federal authority over states. But more generally, when there is a campaign, the issues are discussed. Another strategy is the so-called "shortcut" that voters take within the rationalist framework of voting, since they are confronted with the problem of information and have to choose on the basis of this information. On the other hand, preferences for candidates in power are best explained by the proximity model and the simple directional model. Thus, voters will vote for candidates who are in the direction (1) and who are going in that direction in the most intense way (2), that is, who propose policies going in that direction in the strongest and most intense way. The economic model of the vote puts the notion of electoral choice back at the centre. The initial formulation of the model is based on the Downs theory in An Economic Theory of Democracy publi en 1957. It is an answer that remains faithful to the postulates of Downs' theory and the proximity model. Simply, the voter is going to evaluate his own interest, his utility income from the different parties and will vote for the party that is closest to his interests. Ideal point models assume that lawmakers and bills are represented as Christopher Rice Follow Strategic Foresight Consultant, Facilitator, Public Speaker, Provocateur, Fox in a world of Hedgehogs - Less thunder in the mouth, more lightning in the hand Recommended Voting Behaviour Peped 4.6k views 22 slides Political Parties Chris Thomas 5.8k views 32 slides Introduction to Elections Peped 5.6k views We end up with a configuration where there is an electorate that is at the centre, there are party activists who are exercising the "voice" and who have access to the extreme, and there are party leaderships that are in between. They may rely less on their partisan loyalties, so their vote may be explained less by their social base and more by their choice among an offer that is the economic model. Furthermore, "social characteristics determine political preferences". The third criterion is rationality, which is that based on the theory of rational choice, voters mobilize the limited means at their disposal to achieve their goals, so they will choose the alternative among the political offer that costs them the least and brings them the greatest possible benefit. Grofman introduces a central element which is the position of the status quo which is not necessarily the neutral point but the current policy. There is no real electoral choice in this type of explanation, but it is based on our insertion in a social context. There are other models that try to relate the multiplicity of issues to an underlying ideological space, i.e., instead of looking at specific issues, everything is brought back to a left-right dimension as a shortcut, for example, and there are other theories that consider the degree of ambiguity and clarity of the candidates' positions. This approach would be elitist, this assumption that voters have the ability to know what is going on which is the idea of information and this ability that voters have to look at that information and process it. Three notions must be distinguished: a phase of political alignment (1), which is when there is a strengthening of partisan loyalties, i.e. On the other hand, the intensity directional model better explains the electoral choices of candidates who are not currently in power. With regard to the question of how partisan identification develops, the psycho-sociological model emphasizes the role of the family and thus of primary socialization, but several critics have shown that secondary socialization also plays a role. 2, 1957, pp. Among political Prospective voting says that the evaluation is based on what the parties and candidates are going to say. It is a very detailed literature today. Positioning on a left-right scale is related to this type of theory. Today, in the literature, we talk about the economic vote in a narrower and slightly different sense, namely that the electoral choice is strongly determined by the economic situation and by the policies that the government puts in place in particular to deal with situations of economic difficulty. It is interesting to know that Lazarsfeld, when he began his studies with survey data, especially in an electoral district in New York State, was looking for something other than the role of social factors. For the sociological model we have talked about the index of political predisposition with the variables of socioeconomic, religious and spatial status. The presupposition for spatial theories of voting has already been mentioned, namely the stake vote. These authors find with panel data that among their confirmed hypotheses that extroverted people tend to have a strong and stable partisan identification. 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